Tuesday, December 16, 2014

Christian Restorationist Theology

The following is an essay I wrote for my Systematic Theology Class at CMU. I only post my essays after I get my grades back so there isn't a chance of mistakingly being charged with plagiarism. As I get more grades back I will post more of my essays from this term.

Christian Restorationist Theology:
Critiques and Learning





Tim Wenger



BTS 5780
Karl Koop
08-12-2014
Introduction
As the church seeks a faithful response to the problems of today, some within it seek to look to the early church for the necessary answers. This belief is called restorationism. This essay outlines what restorationism is and how it developed over the course of history. It will focus in on Anabaptist restorationism1 but will also touch on other historical and contemporary forms of restorationism. Restorationsim throughout history teaches us the importance of where we come from, but it is also important to remember that other groups have arrived at different points through similar processes and we must learn from each other.

The Concept of Restorationism
In an age when there are so many different claims on the truth, it is hard to know who to trust. There is often a perceived need to find a source of authority for our beliefs and actions that extends beyond ourselves. One of these sources of authority is the early church. It is easy to see that the church today and the church in the first century are very different. One response to this is called restorationism.
Restorationism is the attempt to bring the church back to the original state (two closely related terms are restitutionism and primitivism, for the simplicity of the essay, I will just be using the term Restorationism). The belief is that the early church represented a “Golden Age” where it was what it should be. However, there must have been some sort of fall to explain why we do not share the wanted characteristics with the early church. Generally the fall is dated to three Centuries later, when Constantine turned Christianity into the official religion of the Roman Empire because true Christianity, with its emphasis on love, non-violence voluntarism is not compatible with the basic needs of an empire which uses military force to coerce compliance.2 Restorationism is the attempt to recover the beliefs or practices lost in the fall3. It is important to note that there must be some sort of fall/ loss within the restorationist framework. Without a loss, there is no reason to “get back” to the original church.4

Historical Roots of Restorationism.
This understanding that the early church represents something more pure than the church is presently is something that has been understood for a long time. Even before the traditional restorationist fall at Constantine, Clement of Rome (circa 96 CE) thought that the earliest christianity was the purest. He wrote “The apostles received the gospel for us from the Lord Jesus Christ... having therefore received their commands... they went forth in the assurance of the Holy Spirit, preaching the good news that the kingdom of God is coming... [T]hey appointed their first converts, testing them by the Spirit, to be Bishops and deacons for the future believers.”5 This view that the early church was pure can be seen throughout christian history until the 19th century.
According to Littell, it is possible to see interpretations of history narrated in terms of Golden Age, Fall and Restitution in church history. Early church fathers blended this narrative (which can be understood as coming from pagan philosophy) with their understanding of church history. Tertullian saw Nature as being normative, with those who worked with their hands in the fields and in workshops having “primordial knowledge” while the philosophers and academics are lacking it. Similarly for Tertullian, the simple early church has authority in its beliefs and actions, but overtime fell to corruption.6
For Lactantius, “philosophy” was a recent invention, while an inborn knowledge of truth was lost at the tree of knowledge. St. Ambrose locates the Fall with when private property was instituted. St Gregory wanted to return to an “adamic state of brotherhood, communism and peace” and criticized those who thought philosophy more important than other simpler lives.7
These understandings led to attempts to return to the Golden age, such as early monasticism which emphasized “pious-anti-intellectualism and a cultivation of the innocence of the child like mind. Pacifism, communism, celibacy... simple living.”8
This belief in wanting to get back to a pure church led to the development in the Middle Ages of a new myth of a lost tribe somewhere in Asia or Africa that had come to a near-christian faith through intuition as a critique of the overly-speculative nature of Medieval Christianity, as well as a protest to Papal and Byzantinian power.9
Joachim of Fiore (circa 1190 CE), Transformed this understanding of Golden Age, Fall and Restoration through his three dispensations of history ending in a fulfilled apocalypse, rather than a previous periodizing of history put forward by Augustine. For Joachim of Fiore, after the fall there were three ages, the first age, the Age of the Father, was during the old covenant where legalism ruled via prophets and judges, the second age, Age of the Son of the institutional church ruled by grace, and a third age that was soon to come of perfect freedom, the Age of the Spirit, where the humble would be lifted up, the old Roman church would fall and a new leader would rise up.10
According to Karl Koop, It was also visible in the High Middle ages in the “Spiritual Franciscans, Waldensians, Apostolic Brethren, along with strong papal supporters like Bernard Clairvaux” who recognized significant problems in the Catholic Church from early on.11

Restorationist Anabaptism
Some of the most prominent restorationists in history are from the Radical Reformation. They viewed the early church as having a strong emphasis on pacifism, if they wanted to be true Christians, like the early church, they needed to be “defenceless and martyred... the way of the church from Christ to Constantine.”12
These Anabaptists,13 blamed Constantine for the fall because it was with Constantine where Christianity moved from being a religion of voluntarism, to the religion of the state. At Constantine, the church was given power to force others to follow it, where it was previously the persecuted church it had become the persecuting church. As such, the Anabaptists wanted to restore to restore the church to it's pre-constantinian nature. 14
According to John Howard Yoder, other radicals viewed the fall as occurring elsewhere in history. For some it was the events in Eden; the Levellers opposed class distinctions because in Genesis 2 there are not any. Flemish Anabaptists were accused of taking of their clothes in their services as a symbol of Adam and Eve's Innocence.15
These Anabaptists broke away from both the Catholics and Magisterial Reformers (who were sometimes called “halfway men” due to the fact that they would not continue their reformation of the church to include separation of church and state), and formed free congregations with strong emphases on pacifism and church discipline to keep the church pure.16
It is important to recognize that a label like restorationist or primitivist is something that we have placed on the radicals through the lenses of history. As John Howard Yoder points out, the radicals would not have claimed this as part of their identity, however, the inverse is true as well, the Catholic and Magisterial Reformers would not have thought it wrong to hold to restorationism. Applying these terms to the early anabaptists merely recognizes that they have a stronger orientation towards a beginning that their contemporaries did not.17
In fact all Christians in the 16th would have claimed biblical authority for their positions. Luther argued from Paul's presentation of the Gospel, while Catholics arguing for apostolic succession and their ability to develop their theology would also quote scripture.18 Even spiritualists like Sebastian Franck and Kaspar Schwenkfeld, who downplayed following the bible literally sought to prove their point with scripture.19

John Wesley the Restorationist
A non-anabaptist who was heavily influenced by restorationist thinking was John Wesley. John Keefer highlights how in Wesley's life and founding of the Methodist Church, a lot of his motivation is to recapture something from the early church that was missing in his age. John Wesley's father, himself a priest in the church of England, taught Wesley to look at the Patristics to understand the apostles' writings in bible. When Wesley was attended Oxford, he was able to read many of the Pastristics' writings.20
As students, he and his brother Charles founded “The Holy Club,” a group dedicated to recreating the early church via modelling itself after what it read in Acts 2 and 4, practising a community of goods, and a strong emphasis on prayer, fasting and participating in the Lord's Supper.21
Towards the end of his time at Oxford, Wesley's attention was turned by the Non-jurors towards the ecclesiastical tradition. His attention moved towards recreating the liturgical and sacramental aspects recorded in the “Apostolic Constitutions” and “Apostolic Canons” because he viewed them as teaching authentic Apostolic teachings on church order.22 However, when he tried to be a missionary in Georgia he was supremely rejected.
Later Wesley attended a Moravian meeting on Aldersgate street, where he had a profound religious experience, and his connection to the early church: Conversion as a work of the Holy Spirit. Aldersgate changed Wesley's restorationism “from ecclesiology to soteriology”.23
As he and his brother developed Methodism, he believed that they were bringing back apostolic faith. He believed that he had overvalued apostolic church practices previously, and instead needed to be dynamic and willing to allow the Holy Spirit to lead them to develop practices that fit their own cultural situation. As such the Methodist's practices of “watchnight and lovefeast services, their practice of discipline, their charities, and the foundation of the schools” were themselves expressions of Apostolic faith within a different culture.24 Wesley believed that the Methodist church was very close to bringing in a new age of Apostolic faith, and yet he also recognized the “mystery of iniquity,” that the church continuously requires salvation.25 When John Wesley was buried, part of his tombstone read:

This Great Light arose
(By the singular Providence of God)
To enlighten THESE Nations,
And to revive, enforce, and defend
The Pure, Apostolical Doctrines and Practices of
The PRIMITIVE CHURCH:
Which he continued to do, by his Writings and his Labors,
For more than Half a Century.26


Continuations in Anabaptist Restorationist
After the reformation, Anabaptist restorationist theology had a significant change. As it is said, history repeats itself, and the religious zeal of the Early Anabaptists seems to have tapered off over the centuries. When Thielman J. van Braght wrote The Martyr's Mirror in 1660, he was a Mennonite Elder in Holland. There was a conflict at the time called The Lammerenkrijgh, (or the War of the Lambs), whereby there were two camps, a more conservative side that retained the old belief in there being a faithful, true, visible church, and a more liberal side that was associated with the Colliagiants.27 Van Braght was on the conservative side and wrote The Martyr's Mirror as an appeal that there has always been a visible church, and calling the liberal side back to them. In it there are many stories of Christian Martyrs giving their lives for the faith through the ages, then the second, larger section is stories of the Early Anabaptists being persecuted and dying for their beliefs.28 As Karl Koop says “One of the primary intentions of the... Martyr's Mirror... was to show that the Anabaptists, rather than Catholic or Protestants, exhibited the marks of true Christianity though their practice of believers baptism and experience of martyrdom.”29
Similarly, John Howard Yoder notices a trend, that for descendants of the Anabaptists, today's Mennonites and Hutterites, it is important to not only try to get back to the early church, but also to restoring to the early Anabaptist movement. Paradoxically, the Anabaptists who were once radicals, now represent the old faith that we are trying to recover.30 However, Yoder challenges an understanding of an Anabaptist fall as occuring because they were weak or failed, but rather the need to recover their original mission is because of “the community's missionary aggressiveness”. Because Mennonites have spread their faith so far, it is necessary to recall the community back to faith.31

The Modern Restorationist Movement
There continues to be restorationist theology present in North American congregations. One of the foremost groups calling themselves the Restorationist Movement includes denominations such as the Churches of Christ. According to B.J. Humble the early leaders viewed the mainstream denominations (ironically including the methodists) as being tied too much to their creeds. Because their confessions of faith had too much authority in determining who was a part of the denomination and who was not, these leaders left their denominations32 and eventually began the restoration movement based on the principle of “be [ing] the New Testament church today.”33
Humble uses a hypothetical story to illustrate why they believe that they should do this:
Imagine that a collector finds a rare book detailing a civic club that existed in London four hundred years ago. This book included their constitution and all of the relevant details about their organization and purpose. Recognizing this club's purpose of serving others, similar to the Knights of Columbus, or Rotary clubs, and realizing that there are so many causes that need support, the collector might think that it would be exciting to try to recreate this club today so it could attend to these needs since this book has all of the information necessary for doing this. If they could restore this civic club, why not the church of the New Testament?34

In the following part of the paper, I will examine some potential critiques of Restorationism.

Is There Something to go back to?
As mentioned previously for the first 18 centuries of Christian history, there was a pretty homogenous view of the spread of Christianity. Michael Strickland writes that as early as Clement of Rome, it was understood that Jesus told the apostles the gospels who then, empowered by the Holy Spirit went out preaching the gospel and made converts who eventually became the bishops and deacons.35 Heretics were seen as later perversions of the earlier true message.36
However, within the last two hundred years or so, there have been growing critiques that challenge the idea of a pure early church. The Bauer thesis, supposes that “orthodoxy” does not necessarily mean that it came straight from God, but rather the opinions of the church in Rome. Heresies from other geographical areas are, according to the Bauer thesis, actually how Christianity developed in those areas from the beginning. To demonstrate this, one only has to look at the differences in theology that already existed as early as the second century in such different areas as Egypt, Crete, and Rome.37 Further development of this thesis by Ehrman goes that the “proto-orthodox” eventually won for four reasons:
They claimed that their version was rooted in the Old Testament; they rejected Jewish practices in order to be universally accessible; they had a strong hierarchy, which later developed the canon; and finally that they communicated with each other in a concerted effort to become the world wide official version of the church.38 This hypothesis, along with an early dating of texts like the Gospel of Thomas which show different interpretations of Jesus' life question whether or not the Church of the New Testament actually is an historical reality.
However, it should be pointed out that in recent years, the Gospel of Thomas has been given a second century dating by many scholars, and that the Baurer Thesis, while it gives a legitimate questioning of a simplistic reading of New Testament and demonstrating the variety seen in early Christianity, has had many of its presuppositions questioned by scholars.39


Is there something worth going back to?
Historical questions aside, there is a question about whether or not the early church is in fact something that we should emulate. Even within the New Testament Canon itself there are significant reasons why we should question whether or not the early church is as pure as it is made out to be. First of all, in the gospels the apostles are not portrayed as being the most intelligent. Repeatedly they are shown to not understand Jesus' message. One moment Peter is confessing Jesus as the Christ,40 the very next paragraph Jesus has to say to Peter “Get behind me, Satan” because Peter doesn't understand the nature of the suffering Christ.41 James and John ask Jesus if they can sit on either side of Jesus when he comes into his kingdom resulting in conflict between the disciples.42
Even if the argument is given that these are pre-pentecost examples of the disciples, and as such do not count as the early church, there are many examples of the early church having problems too. Repeatedly in Paul's writings he mentions conflicts in the church. Paul refers to a time when Peter refused to eat with the gentiles because it was unclean to do so. Paul challenged Peter arguing that the gentiles should not have to follow the law.43 Later in the same letter Paul expresses his frustratation with those who want to make the gentiles follow the Law, by saying that he wishes they should continue what they started at their circumcision and cut off the rest of their penises.44,45 And it is not just Paul, even the author of the book of Revelation has problems with the church in Laodicea, calling them lukewarm because they do not realize how much help they need from God.46

Is it possible to go back to back to them?
Even if the Early church is worth going back to, it is also important to note that within restorationism, there is an underlying belief in the possibility of human perfection. The internal narrative is that the early church was nearly perfect and the Constantinian shift (or whatever historical point is labelled as the fall in the specific case) has drastically altered the church, but if the contemporary church can just reclaim what was lost by emulating the early church then the church would be very close to perfection.47
But is this even a realistic goal? Is the purpose of Christianity to become perfect? Or have we fallen too far to recover? It is easy to accuse restorationism as supporting a works-righteousness theology. If the belief is that we need to recover the early church to save the church, then it neglects the fact that salvation, individually as well as corporately, rests in Christ. The accounts in Revelation 19 and Matthew 25 of the last days both recount that Jesus/ the Son of Man must come back in order to bring about the kingdom of God. It is not something the church can do.

Restorationism hurts relationships
Implicit in restorationist theology is that those who are not restorationists must be wrong. Karl Koop argues that this is untenable. Christians are always rooted in theological, cultural and historical issues that impact that impact how one views the world. However, Koop argues that Christians need to view the world through “catholic lenses” that encourage them to consider themselves part of the communion of the saints globally throughout history.48
Van Braght's Martyr's Mirror which was written, at least partially, to demonstrate that the Anabaptists exhibit true christianity, in line with the early church as opposed to the Roman Catholic and Protestant traditions demonstrates this assumption that all other beliefs are wrong.49 According to Koop, it neglects the possibility that the Holy Spirit is able to work through the fallen church. A more faithful church will allow for a multiplicity of ideas, allowing for other faith traditions to represent God's Truth.50

Where to go from here?
Throughout this essay, I have tried to explain Restorationism, how it is a continuation of idea that was present before the early Anabaptists, as well as present in the church afterwards. I then presented some critiques about Restorationism.
Restoration does in fact have some legitimate strengths. Even if the early church of history and reported in the bible didn't exist the way we thought it did, or wasn't as pure as we thought it was, there is still something to to be gained from restorationism. Restorationism looks back in time in order to develop a grand narrative that explains where the church is going. This is good, however, as Karl Koop suggests, instead of focusing on just the early church, and perhaps a faithful remnant through history, we should look with discerning eyes at all members of the community of saints, and by studying their traditions try to gather a broader understanding of what it means to be Christian. Mennonites, who learned the importance of voluntarism and pacifism from the early church, can look to other historical restorationists such as the Methodists to understand the importance of salvation that they learned from the early church. Members of older congregations, can learn from the members of today's Restorationist Movement's critique of the denominational structure with its overly bureaucratic and systematized faith, while denominations like the Churches of Christ need to recognize that when the entire focus is on the early church, they neglect the traditions that they are rooted in. They have removed the roots that ground them in the Christian faith.
Restorationism seeks to ground itself in the story of the early church, its adherents should also seek to understand the historical developments that led the global church to where it it. While some of it may be problematic, there is almost two thousand years of Christians asking the same questions, and coming up with different answers. It is important to not throw any of these perspectives away, even if they do not reflect the realities of today's context.


Bibliography

Hughes, Richard T., “The Meaning of The Restoration Vision” in The Primitive Church in the Modern
World, edited by Richard Hughes, ix-xvii. Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1995.
Keefer, Luke L. "John Wesley : disciple of early Christianity." Wesleyan Theological Journal 19, no. 1
(March 1, 1984): 23-32. ATLA Religion Database with ATLASerials, EBSCOhost (accessed
December 1, 2014).
Koop, Karl. “Reading Tradition through Catholic Lenses: Moving Beyond Restorationism,” in New Perspectives in Believers Church Ecclesiology, edited by Abe Dueck, Helmut Harder and & Karl Koop, 125-142. Winnipeg: CMU Press, 2010.
Littell, Franklin H. 1959. "Christian primitivism : a historical summary." Encounter 20, no. 3: 292-
296. ATLA Religion Database with ATLASerials, EBSCOhost (accessed December 2, 2014).
Littell, Franklin H. "A pattern of religious primitivism." Union Seminary Quarterly Review 1, no. 3
(March 1, 1946): 22-25. ATLA Religion Database with ATLASerials, EBSCOhost (accessed December 1, 2014).
Strickland, Michael. "Revising the ancient faith: primitivism, the Gospel of Thomas, and Christian
beginnings." Restoration Quarterly 49, no. 4 (January 1, 2007): 217-227. ATLA Religion Database with ATLASerials, EBSCOhost (accessed December 2, 2014).
Yoder, John Howard. “Primitivism in the Racial Reformation: Strengths and Weaknesses” in The
Primitive Church in the Modern World, edited by Richard Hughes, 74-97. Chicago: University
of Illinois Press, 1995.
Zijpp, Nanne van der. Global Anabaptist Enclyopedia Online, “Lammerenkrijgh.” 1959. http://gameo.org/index.php?title=Lammerenkrijgh&oldid=111295.

1This bias is mostly because it is within my Mennonite context that I have personal experience with restorationism.
2Franklin Littell, “A Pattern of Religious Primitivism” Union Seminary Quarterly Review 1, no. 3 (1946): 24, ATLA Religion Database with ATLA Serials, EBSCOHOST.
3Karl Koop, “Reading Tradition through Catholic Lenses: Moving Beyond Restorationism,” in New Perspectives in Believers Church Ecclesiology, ed.Abe Dueck, Helmut Harder and & Karl Koop (Winnipeg: CMU Press, 2010), 126.
4Richard T. Hughes, “The Meaning of The Restoration Vision” in The Primitive Church in the Modern World, ed. Richard Hughes (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1995), x.
5Michael, Strickland, “Revising the Ancient Faith: Primitivism, the Gospel of Thomas and Christian Beginnings..” Restoration Quarterly 49, no. 4(2007): 217-218, ATLA Religion Database with ATLA Serials, EBSCOhost.
6 Franklin H. Littell, “Christian Primitivism: a Historical Summary.” in Encounter 20, no. 3: 293 Atla Religion Database with AtlaSerials, Ebscohost.
7 Ibid.
8 Ibid.
9 Ibid.
10 Ibid.
11Karl Koop “Reading Tradition through Catholic Lenses,” 130.
12 Franklin H. Littell “Pattern of Christian Primitivism,” 23.
13I understand the difficulty of using the term Anabaptist to refer to a monolithic movement. In this case, I am using the term because Franklin Littell uses it, as I use other sources with more specific definitions, they will be included.
14 Ibid., 24.
15John Howard Yoder “Primitivism in the Racial Reformation: Strengths and Weaknesses” in The Primitive Church in the Modern World, ed. Richard Hughes (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1995), 75.
16 Littell “A Pattern of Christian Primitivism, ”24.
17 Yoder “Primitivism in the Racial Reformation: Strengths and Weaknesses,” 74-75.
18 Ibid., 75.
19 Ibid.
20 Luke L Keefer, “John Wesley: Disciple of Early Christianity.” Weslyeyan Theological Journal 19, no. 1 (1984): 23-24, ATLA RELIGION Database with ATLASerials, EBSCOHOST.
21 Ibid., 24.
22 Ibid.
23Ibid., 25.
24 Ibid., 26.
25 Ibid., 30.
26 Ibid., 23.
27 Nanne van der Zijpp . “Lammerenkrijgh.” in Global Anabaptist Mennonite Encyclopedia Online. (1959) http://gameo.org/index.php?title=Lammerenkrijgh&oldid=111295.
28Thieleman J. Van Braght, Martyrs Mirror: The Story of Seventeen Centuries of Christian
Martyrdom, From the time of Christ to A.D. 1660. trans. Joseph F. Sohm 2nd ed,. (Waterloo, On: Herald Press, 1938), .
29 Koop “Reading Tradition through Catholic Lenses,” 131.
30Yoder “Primitivism in the Racial Reformation: Strengths and weaknesses,” 76.
31 Ibid., 79-80.
32Bill J. Humble, "What is the Restoration Movement?." Restoration Quarterly 22, no. 1-2 (1979):13, ATLA Religion Database with ATLASerials, EBSCOhost.
33 Ibid., 14.
34 Ibid.
35 Strickland, “Revising the Ancient Faith,” 217-218.
36 Ibid., 221.
37Ibid., 222.
38Ibid., 224.
39Ibid., 224.
40Mark 8:29 English Standard Version.
41Mark 8:31-33 ESV.
42Mark 10:35-45 ESV.
43Galatians 2 ESV.
44Galatians 5:12 ESV.
45I may be a little hyperbolic in my reading of this, but, depending on the translation, the words castration or emasculating are actually used.
46Revelation 2:14-18 ESV.
47 Littell,“Christian Primitivism: a Historical Summary.” 292-3
48Koop, “Reading Tradition through Catholic Lenses,” 127.
49Ibid., 131
50Ibid., 136.

Tuesday, July 22, 2014

Pendulum Swing: From Faith to Social Justice

Over the past year, I have heard several people say that every 500 years or so, there is a major shift in Christianity. Constantine's reign in 306 CE marked the church moving from a fringe religion, to eventually being a state religion. The Great Schism between Rome and the East in 1054 CE left scars in the Global Church that are only now beginning to heal. The Reformation in 1517 resulted in many divisions within the Western Church. Each of these events impacted the world in huge ways.

 Many people are suggesting that we are again in a major, the most recent example I've experienced was at Mennonite Church Canada's National Assembly. During a Young Adult Event, MC Canada Executive Director made reference to this shift, and has outlined some of his thoughts on the topic here. To help navigate this shift, the national church has assembled the New Directions Task Force to look at what the future of the MC Canada will look like, and we had some good discussion during the Assembly about it.

In a recent podcast, Willard and Dan Dyck talked about the future of the church. Willard suggested that the future of the church will be one where the church engages in issues such as Aboriginal Justice and Climate Change, and I agree, the Church needs to engage with social justice issues. It needs to in order to stay relevant, but it also needs to in order to stay faithful to the people who God is calling us to be.

From the creation of the nation of Israel in the Old Testament, God has called a people to show the world around us how to live differently. The Lex Talionis Law in the Torah (an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth) was a demand for equality under the law. Where other cultures allowed those in the upper classes to severely punish those in lower classes for any infraction, the Torah limited retaliation to an equitable punishment.

With Jesus, the people of God became open to all, not just the Jews, but also the Gentiles. The message was do not conform to Rome's morals, of greed, and violence, but make Jesus your King. Peace, Justice and Love became the law written on our hearts.

As history unfolds, we see a pendulum swing. From the weakness of Christ to the Strength of Constantine, from ritual in the middle ages, to faith in the reformation, etc. But we often swing too far. When the pendulum swung towards faith in the reformation, we began to lose the importance of action. Martin Luther wanted to remove the Canon of James from the Canon, thinking that it wasn't relevant to our faith. We swung to a place where faith resulted in inaction.

The Anabaptists always spoke out against this, showing how Faith in Christ requires us to love our neighbors, remember Menno's Famous quote: "True evangelical faith cannot lie dormant. It clothes the naked, it feeds the hungry, it comforts the sorrowful, it shelters the destitute, it serves those that harm it, it binds up that which is wounded, it has become all things to all people." As the world realizes that faith requires action it begins to swing in the other direction. We can't just pray about an issue, being a follower of Jesus means going out and fixing it. 

However, I have cause for concern about this swing. At some point we can/will/have swung too far. Sometimes our concern for social justice becomes more important than the reason why we seek it in the first place. Sometimes I see Mennonites go from being Anabaptist to Secular Humanists. I see us as being more concerned about the ends and not the means.

I see us neglecting our prayer lives and bible readings, casting them aside rather than realizing that they are the reason we seek after justice.

My Social justice concern comes out of my love for Jesus. I care for the other because I see that they are made in God's image. We need to remember that it was the Prophet Amos, a man who was calling Israel back to following God, who said "Let justice roll on like a river, righteousness like a never-failing stream!" (Amos 5:24). As we shift towards a Christianity that is a voice for the downtrodden, let us also remember that we believe in prayer and faith.

Monday, February 24, 2014

Should we let kids watch Veggietales?

I wrote the following article for the Doxa, CMU's student newspaper, it appeared in their February edition. As always, I want to encourage discussion, I welcome you to let me know where you think I've gone wrong in the comments.




Warning: The following article may feel like you just got punched right in the childhood.

If you like to talk to tomatoes
If a squash can make you smile
If you like to waltz with potatoes
Up and down the produce aisle...

Have I got some news to you.

What if Veggietales is actually detrimental to faith formation? What if Bob the Tomato and Larry the Cucumber have played a role in making an entire generation of Christian children callous to the dark stories with the Bible. What if they trivialize the christian experience?


An example: In the classic episode: King George and the Ducky, instead of fighting in the great pie war, King George, played by Larry, Takes a bath with one of his many rubber duckies. As he finishes a musical number he notices something far a way, a little child named Thomas in a sawed off barrel taking a bath with another duck. King George must have it so he sends Thomas, to the front lines, the generals ordered to pull back and let him get the full force of the attack. At this point Nathan the prophet arrives with a flannel-graph sheet and tells him a story of a rich man who steals a sheep from a poor man. George is sad, but is given the opportunity to make up for his transgressions because Thomas miraculously survives, shell-shocked. But George gives him a royal bath, and everything is alright. Therefore learning the lesson that we need to consider others' feelings as well.

This light hearted story about a King and his love of toys, is really the Story of David and Bathsheba with any of the gory details removed from it. In fact, it sends messages that are actually harmful.

First of all Bathsheba is replaced by a toy, she is literally the king's play thing. She loses all agency. She is less than human. An object to be done with as David pleased. While she doesn't have much agency in the biblical narrative, she is stripped of even the dignity that comes with being human, or even vegetable.

Secondly, Veggietales trivializes the consequences of David's actions. In the Biblical Narrative, Uriah is killed when the other soldiers pull back. He died because the King decided his wife was attractive. There is no cutesy reconciliation at the end of this story. Bathsheba is pregnant, but the child dies.

During the Nuremburg trials, Hannah Arendt watched as Nazi's talked about how they struggled getting the trains to run on time, it never occurred to them that they were the trains shipping Jews to concentration camps. She described this as the Banality of Evil. People are able to do hideous things by breaking them down into trivial things, like pulling a lever, or pressing a button.

So when a person is thrown into the lion's den and the next morning is seen eating pizza with the animals, we lose the fact that Daniel was willing to die instead of stop praying. When slurpies are being thrown from the walls of Jericho we ignore the fact that real lives were lost. We have made the harsh stories in the gospels banal. Suddenly adultery and murder are not such a bad thing because it is just a rubber ducky.


So what do we do? Obviously I am not saying that children are ready to hear every story that is in the bible. We do not let children watch an 18A movie, it is okay for children to learn the darker stories when they are mature enough to understand. When that day comes we should sit them down and talk about the dark reality that the stories have, not trivialize it within catchy musical numbers.

Thursday, January 30, 2014

The Schleitheim Confession: From the Eyes of Zwingli and Calvin

The following is an essay I wrote for Theologies of the Reformations, a fourth year course at CMU that I took last term.


The Schleitheim Confession:
From the Eyes of Zwingli and Calvin

The “Brotherly Union of a Number of Children of God Concerning Seven Articles” or more commonly called the Schleitheim Confession was a document composed by Michael Sattler and ratified on February 24, 1527 by an assembly of Swiss Anabaptists gathered in Schleitheim to help discern who they were. It is comprised of seven articles, each focusing on a specific part of the faith that the Anabaptists felt was important. It was immediately very popular with the Anabaptists, and some of its positions have since become the norm for descendants of the Anabaptist movement like the Mennonites.[1]
Because of its prominence, both Ulrich Zwingli and John Calvin responded to it. The Second part of Zwingli’s “In Catabapistarum Strophus Elenchus” or “Refutation of the Tricks of the Baptists” is a response to the seven articles in the Schleitheim Confession. It was written in July 1527 for four reasons, as a justification for his persecution of the Anabaptists, to answer internal struggles within himself, to respond to the growing presence of second generation Anabaptists (the original sex having died previous to its writing), and finally as the basis of a joint policy among the Reformed cantons, which would mark the beginning of even more persecution of the Anabaptists movement.[2] John Calvin also explored the seven articles in his “Brief Instruction for Arming All the Good Faithful Against The Errors of the Common Sect of the Anabaptists.” He wrote it following a request of William Farel in 1544 for help in refuting the Anabaptists’ claims.[3] While much of Calvin’s and especially Zwingli’s writings are quite vile towards the Anabaptists, this Essay extracts the major arguments of all three documents so as to inform our understanding of the theological debate in the Sixteenth Century about the Anabaptists.


Sattler on Baptism
            Baptism, the first article of the Schleitheim Confessions, was a key definer of the Anabaptist movement, hence the movement's name. Baptism is reserved for believers, who have been "been taught repentance and the amendment of life" and who believe that Jesus has saved them from their sins. Baptism represented dying and rising in Christ. Infant baptism was not considered valid, and in fact a papal abomination, because you had to be able to make the decision and ask for it yourself. Their sources for it were "the writings and the practice of the apostles" citing passages Mt. 28:19; Mk. 16:[1]6;[4] Acts 2:38; 8:36; 16:31-33; 19:4.[5]

Zwingli's Response
Zwingli agrees that baptism "should be administered to all in Christ, both penitents and those confessing that remission of sins is found" but he argues that the confession is thinly veiled justification by works, because while remission of sins is through Christ, it requires the person's elevated free will to walk in the resurrection of Christ in order for us to be saved. Zwingli sees this as being contrary to Jesus' words that no one comes to him unless the father sends them.[6]
Zwingli also notes an apparent contradiction between this first article and the seventh concerning oaths. Anabaptists refuse to swear oaths. However, they only baptize those who  "walk according to the resurrection of Christ" since this requires a promise that the person will try to do this, and yet will fail, making them liars why do you make them promise to something they cannot keep, while  refuse them from doing something that they can, like swear an oath? [7]
In terms of infant baptism, Zwingli has similar thoughts to Calvin (see below), connecting the practice to circumcision, arguing that the demand for a confession of faith before baptism was non biblical since those who were circumcised were generally unable to make said confession. Zwingli acknowledges that Anabaptists probably would not accept this since they ignore the old testament, even though Christ didn't, citing 1 Corinthian 10 and Colossians 3.[8]

Calvin's Response
            Calvin's response to the first article begins first with refuting the claim that infant baptism is a papal heresy. Instead, he says that there is not a single Doctor of the church who does not claim that the practice traces itself to the days of the apostles. While this wasn't a major claim for him, Calvin mentions it because one of his goals in the process was "informing the simple."[9] Even though the Catholic Church has been the ones preserving the practice, Calvin notes that its authority is not derived from tradition, and that it does not depend on humans to continue to continue its saving work.[10]
            Calvin notes that the Schleitheim Confession’s understanding comes from a combination of Matthew 28:19 "Therefore go and make disciples of all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit" and Mark 16:16 "whoever believes and is baptized will be saved," however, they are taking the portions about baptism out of context since baptism only comes secondary to the preaching and receiving of the Gospel.[11]
            Furthermore the salvation given to the one who believes in the good news is given to their children. As long they do not believe, then they are strangers to the church, but when salvation leads them into repentance and faith, their whole family becomes part of the church.[12] Instead of each person needing to understand the gospel in order to be baptized, as according to Schleitheim, the children are baptised based on the parent’s confession of faith. [13]
            Therefore the passages in Matthew and Mark only apply to people who are both able to be taught and outside the Christian church.[14] This is similar to how Abraham, who was an adult and was brought into God's "Church" thereby accepting God's covenant of circumcision which he passed down to future generations who received it while they were still infants.[15] St Paul shows this in action when he writes "For the unbelieving husband has been sanctified through his wife, and the unbelieving wife has been sanctified through her believing husband. Otherwise your children would be unclean, but as it is, they are holy".[16] Calvin defends this use of the Old Testament covenant, by citing Paul again in Ephesians 2 where it says that Jesus came to earth to eliminate any difference between Jew and gentile so that both may be children of God.[17]
            Calvin also refutes the argument that since there is no evidence of the apostles baptizing infants then we should not do it, by arguing that there is no evidence that they gave the Lord's Supper to any women either, and yet we do not exclude them from God's grace, so why should we exclude infants from participating in baptism if God considers them God's servants?.[18]

Sattler on the Ban
The second article of the Schleitheim confession was about the Ban, or excommunication. An issue, which according to Kenneth R. Davis may actually rival baptism as one of the key concerns of the Anabaptists, for while Baptism determined membership into God's kingdom, it was church discipline that kept the kingdom pure. In fact, in their institution of the community, awareness of the need to restore the ban may have had priority.[19] The ban followed the rule of Christ in Matthew 18, if a brother or sister was sinning, then they should be warned twice privately, before being brought before the church for admonishment. Only after this third attempt was someone removed from the community. But this has to happen before communion because it is important that the holy body of Christ be united as they eat the one bread and drink from one cup.[20]

Zwingli's Response
            Zwingli makes an interesting mistake. Based on his reading of his own Latin translation of the Schleitheim confession, he accuses the Anabaptists of twisting the words around and saying that the third offense should result in the church's "correction" while the bible says "admonition" which would be an issue if this were the case, correction just means moving from a wrong position to a right position, while admonition includes a threat.[21] However, the original German used the term for admonition, a fact that Yoder preserves in his translation,[22] even though Yoder often preferred Zwingli's Latin for translating over German manuscripts.[23] It is surprising Zwingli would make such a mistake and in the process ruin his argument.[24],[25]
            However, he does raise a valid concern about the use of the Lord’s Supper as part of discipline. For Anabaptists, at the beginning of the observance, they had to “declare that they were willing to take the ban upon themselves when and if it would be pronounced” which could happen immediately thereafter.[26] Instead reminding them about concepts like the “wheat and tares”, which Calvin also uses (see below), saying that some Churches are too lax, while others are too hard.[27] He also accuses the Anabaptists of not being consistent with their use of the Ban. Pointing to the practice of the apostles where people who committed major crimes like homicide or adultery were excommunicated, and yet within the Anabaptists there was a member who had killed another Anabaptist, but was not excommunicated.[28]

Calvin's Response
            Calvin had to be careful in this section because Church Discipline was important to his work in Geneva. He began by affirming that the ban "is a sound and holy order, not only useful but also necessary".[29] However he thinks that the Anabaptists have stolen this idea from him (which is preposterous since he was still a roman catholic and only 16 years old when the Anabaptists wrote the Schleitheim confession in 1527)[30], however that they did so imperfectly, while the Calvinists teach the pure doctrine concerning the ban.[31]
            Calvin argues that while Anabaptists will not celebrate the Lord's supper in a congregation that does not practice the ban since that congregation is not a true church, and that those present who should be excommunicated pollute it; the Calvinists, believe that while it is unfortunate and imperfect when a church doesn't have the ban that does not stop it from being a true church. Calvinists also believe that it is wrong to separate from said church. Calvin notes that even though Paul is disappointed and admonishes the church at Corinth for not using the ban, he still called them a Christian church.[32]
            Calvin, then goes on to note that the church itself is corrupted for two reasons: first, that every member of the church is going to sin at some point and fall from perfection, so we always need God's amazing grace. And second, that even in a church with the ban, diligently working to enforce it, there are always going to be "evil hypocrites who infect the fellowship with their filthiness." Therefore, Calvin admonishes the reader to listen to the Lord who said that "it is necessary to tolerate many bad weeds for fear that if we should pull them all up we might lose the good grain in the process" (based on Matt 13:25-29).[33] Therefore it is important to not condemn a church for not practicing the ban, or else you would injure good Christians along with the bad.[34]
When considering whether or not one should remove themselves from a church for fear of being polluted by sinners, Calvin points to the Old Testament prophets who even though were surrounded by a sinful people never stopped assembling the people to worship God through sacrifice and observing the law. Neither did they move away and build a new altar. Even Jesus went to the temple in Jerusalem who worshipped along with the "depraved" Pharisees and scribes.[35]
Throughout this section Calvin highlights the fact that God gives grace to those who are "overcome by their conumpisences[sic]" and understand their depravity. He says that if we do not allow God to be God and save sinners, then we condemn them.[36]

Sattler on the Lord’s Supper
For Sattler, only those who were joined with the body of Christ through baptism could participate in communion. Citing Paul, he writes that those who follow “the devil and the world” cannot participate in communion.[37]

Zwingli’s Response
First, he focuses on the fact that the baptism they speak of is their own baptism, while the Anabaptists thought infant baptisms (which everyone else practiced) did not count as a true baptism, and so their believer’s baptism was not a rebaptism but rather a first baptism,[38] Zwingli called it  a pseudo- or catabaptism. Zwingli, quick to defend his own baptism argues that by being baptised again, an act of dying and being risen in Christ, they are crucifying Christ for a second time.
            He also notes that while the Anabaptists require that they who willingly sin should be excluded from the table, but charges that their excommunication immediately before (mentioned above), is itself a sin, and therefore they are hypocrites.[39]
Finally, he attacks the Anabaptists for their condemnation of feasts and rituals. He says that this is unbiblical because Jesus and his disciples went to weddings and to Jerusalem, and that Israel celebrated festivals three times a year. Therefore they are condemning things that Christ himself did not hate and yet they “think of themselves so finely.”[40]

Calvin’s Response
Calvin barely mentions the third article because he agrees with it; nobody should come to the communion table unless they are truly a part of the body of Christ.[41]

Sattler on Separation from Evil
As has been stated previously, it was important for the Anabaptists to stay pure; as such the fourth article of the Schleitheim Confession was about separation from evil. Since all who have not entered into the body of Christ are “a great abomination before God” nothing good can come from them. Therefore everything is either good or evil and we need to pick good. Therefore, all “popish and repopish works and idolatry” (read: catholic and protestant practices and theology), winehouses, promises of unbelief, and anything else that that the world thinks is important is all vanity before God. Therefore, the Anabaptists also need to put away weapons of violence both for protected themselves and friends or vanquishing enemies because Christ told them “You shall not resist evil.”[42]

Zwingli’s Response
Again Zwingli seems confused; he has combined the titles of the fourth and fifth articles (avoiding abomination and pastors) so that it comes to read avoiding abominable pastors. Zwingli seems rather paranoid, for him is seems obvious that the thing the Anabaptists are trying to avoid is him.[43] This is why he writes “you would hardly divine if they had not said in the title that they dealt with the avoidance of abominable pastors in the church”[44]
In his response, he is careful to avoid condemning separation from the church, because his own movement would face the same criticism, so the question becomes what constitutes valid separation.[45] Separation for Zwingli is about separation from those who malign, not those who are weak. Christ teaching that the wicked should be shunned when they no longer respect the church.[46]
At this point he challenges the Anabaptists’ conversion techniques. Saying that new converts are not allowed to attend other churches for at least a month so that they can be properly brainwashed, and instead have to attend church in the dark or at the house of a member because this works better than if they actually tried to debate their position within the church.[47]
Finally Zwingli critiques the Anabaptists’ rejection of the sword, saying that if they hate murder, then they need to avoid anything that could kill, like choking on a grape seed, or getting stung by a bee (Zwingli 192).[48] Zwingli contends that the magistrates are immune to the commands of Christ to not resist evil or to not rule because those commands were only given to the apostles and bishops, while the authority for magistrates come from God. The Anabaptist fears authority because they seek to create confusion.[49]
Zwingli ends by stating that he too encourages the laying down of arms, but that the sword should be used for legitimate defence of those suffering.[50]


Calvin’s Response
Calvin applauds the Anabaptists for condemning Catholic superstitions and prohibiting Christians from practicing them, but then he takes exception to the Anabaptists’ conclusion that the use of the sword is not allowed. He notes that the Christian’s primary weapons are prayer and gentleness and that they “conquer evil by doing good” so the threatened Christian suffers evil. But the magistrate is called by God to use the sword for “restraining and preventing the violence of the wicked” (Calvin71-72).[51]
For Calvin, the prophets’ proclamation of the turning swords and spears into farm implements (Isaiah 2:4 and Mic 4:3) as being something that will occur only within the church, that Christians should not fight wars against other Christians, but that outside the church evil reigns, so it is necessary to use the sword. Princes are therefore ordained by god to protect their countries, but they need to do everything possible to avoid the use of violence.[52] Justification for including the magistrates as instruments of God is given to the fact that John the Baptist baptized soldiers and Peter baptized Cornelius and neither baptizer is reported of  saying anything about their jobs.[53]

Sattler on Pastors
In a growing movement like the Anabaptists were, leadership is very important. For those gathered at Schleitheim, it was important that pastors should be above reproach, “read and exhort and teach, warn admonish, or ban in the congregation,” as well as lead in prayer, communion and anything else the congregation needed. These pastors should be supported, by the congregation so they have time to properly prepare for church. They also provide a way to reprimand the pastor, with two or three witnesses, and in public so even as they face discipline, they are also teaching fear to others. If something happens to the pastor, a new pastor is to be ordained immediately so that the flock has leadership.[54]

Zwingli’s Response
Zwingli sees the providing of support for a pastor as being hypocritical since they “deny to the bishop of the Christian church” the same. Zwingli argues that the pastor should support themselves some other way than burdening the congregation since they have so many other taxes that they have to pay.[55]

Calvin’s Response
            Calvin begins by noting that over time the Anabaptists have changed from having pastors running around to various congregations to now being called to a certain place. Calvin’s explanation for why this occurred initially was so that “they could spread their poison everywhere”. However, he agrees that churches need ministers to keep them intact. However, he takes exception to the way that the Anabaptists will not listen to a sermon from a Calvinist preacher, and how they view other churches as ravishing wolves, this view causing discord within the church, and setts one group against another.[56]

Sattler on the Sword
For Sattler, the sword is “an ordering of God outside the perfection of Christ,” It protects that which is good, and punishes the wicked. The Secular rulers are given authority to use it. But within the perfection of Christ, the only form of punishment is the ban. Christ teaches that within the church, we are to admonish people not to sin. Christians are not supposed to be judges because Jesus refused to judge inheritance, and that Christians should not be magistrates because government is something reserved for the flesh, while Christians live by the spirit.[57]

Zwingli’s Response
For Zwingli, he notes how when the Anabaptists say that members of Christ who do not meet the perfection of Christ might need the sword, and yet they are refusing it, therefore the Anabaptists are claiming to be within the perfection of Christ.[58]
Zwingli also cites a well-known story about someone who had been an Anabaptist but returned from it, who said “if we had been as superior to you as you were to us, you would have seen whether we had swords and oaths or not”.[59] The weak twist morality in order that their position is the just one, even though if they had the power they would not be so quick to take that position.
According to Zwingli, Jesus never forbade a Christian from political office. Where Jesus says “who would follow me must deny himself and take up his cross and follow me” does not mean that Christians could not follow Jesus and rule, since many “kings have despised themselves and followed him, though retaining royal authority until the end.” (Zwingli 202). Zwingli also notes that Peter baptized Cornelius, and Philip baptized the eunuch both without forbidding them to rule, as well as how Paul allowed Christians to be masters as long as they are faithful.[60]
            Zwingli also notes that Christians would make the best judges since they would be the most just because they would be “rightly affected to all, and unwavering, giving no decision in partiality or hatred or fear or violence. (Zwingli 204). And yet, supposedly Christians can’t be magistrates because that is a worldly job. But if that is the case, then nobody could be a Christian since everyone is in the world. But if being in the spirit refers to prayer and contemplation, and then a magistrate could pray and contemplate and then do their job while being in the spirit.[61]

Calvin’s Response
Calvin disagrees with the Anabaptists; there are many judges, kings and prophets in the Old Testament who made use of the sword for God’s work. While the Anabaptists might claim that God requires more perfection from the church than the Jewish people, this is not the case. In Matthew 5 when it looks like Jesus is giving a new law, really Jesus is just restoring the original intention of the law.[62]
            Calvin notes the inconsistency that Anabaptists maintain that the magistrates’ use of the sword is ordained by God, but somehow if you do that you are sinning. (Calvin 81). He also notes that if it were wrong for a person to rule, than it would be wrong for a people to rule, and yet, Paul says it is okay for Christians to own slaves, though they treat them differently than the secular masters would.[63]
            He also argues that just because Jesus did not govern does not mean that his followers cannot. Luke 9:58 says that Jesus had no place to rest his head, if we applied the same logic, then Christians could not own property.[64] Instead, Christians are allowed to govern, and they must do so in a way that makes God’s name exalted above all others. They need to understand that they are servants of God. Anabaptists are therefore enemies of God because they try to fight against something that God has put in place[65]

Sattler on the Oath
The final section of the Schleitheim Confession is on the Oath. They define it as “a confirmation among those quarreling or making promises. In the law it should only be done in the name of God.” But then Jesus tells his disciples to not swear. And while some might argue that since God swore to Abraham that we should be able to as well, God has the power to do what he commands mere mortals to. The Schleitheim confession also delineates between swearing and testifying about what is present. Concluding that our words should just be a simple yes or no.[66]

Zwingli’s Response
Zwingli’s response is that if the Anabaptists did away with oaths and magistrates, then there would be total chaos.[67] Oaths are for Zwingli also a good thing. Oaths are “an appeal to God in deciding or vouching for something.” They have their roots in exodus, and are calling on God’s wrath if the person making the oath disobeys it.[68]  Oaths are therefore an “anchor” to the truth.[69]
Zwingli then turns to Matthew 5:33 and argues that Christ would not forbid the use of swearing, just the use of swearing lightly. Christians are supposed to not swear falsehoods.[70]

Calvin’s Response
Calvin again notes that he agrees largely with the Anabaptist’s sentiment. There was too much swearing happening at the time, and that God’s name was much cheapened. [71]And yet he wants to maintain the oath. 
            The oath, for Calvin, is a good thing, it is ordained by God for “confirming and ratifying truth”, and that God is honoured by it when his people use it. (Calvin 93). He says that the Anabaptists need to discern whether there is a difference between bad oaths and good ones.[72] In the law, it is the taking of God’s law in vain that is prohibited, not the act of using it itself.[73]
Calvin then tries to discern what exactly Jesus was trying to prohibit in Matthew five. Calvin claims that the scribes and Pharisees had taught the people that it was okay to break the law as long as they didn’t use the Tetragrammatons’.[74] Instead, Calvin says that God is the only thing that is okay to be sworn by.[75]
Calvin’s doctrine of human depravity shines again when he argues that oaths would be superfluous if humans were actually loyal and firm. However, since there are so many lies in the world, the only way to trust each other is through the use of oaths.
Calvin then says that the Anabaptists themselves admit to the Apostles’ use of testimony and say that oaths are okay if they are a verification of the truth, and are only wrong when it is a promise. But then, that would make Israel's use of oaths of loyalty to God a misuse of the law even though God commanded it (Calvin 104-5).[76]

Conclusion
While both Zwingli and Calvin’s writings are adversarial to the Anabaptists, and appear to have mistaken, it is important however to note that there are flaws in the Schleitheim confession as well and many of Zwingli and Calvin’s arguments make a lot of sense. This serves as an awakener that our ancestors might not have been the heroes that we thought they were. That being said, it is a testimony to the Schleitheim Confession’s witness that even though it initially was passed on handwritten copies, and was restricted, that it still survives to today. While the Schleitheim confession is not the confession of faith used specifically by Mennonite Church Canada, it is still an important part of our history, and is still a key touchstone in our theology.



References
Calvin, John. “Brief Instruction for Arming All the Good Faithful Against the Errors of the
Common Sect of the Anabaptists.” In Treatises Against the Anabaptists and Against
the Libertines, edited and translated by Benjamin Wirt Farley, 11-158. Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, 1982.
Davis, Kenneth R., “No Discipline, No Church: An Anabaptist Contribution  to the Reformed
Tradition,” The Sixteenth Century Journal, 13, no. 4 (1982):43-58.
 http://www.jstor.org/stable/2540009.
Farley, Benjamin Wirt. “Editor’s Introduction” In Treatises Against the Anabaptists and Against
the Libertines, 13-35. Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, 1982.
Harder, Leland. “Zwingli’s Reaction to the Schleitheim Confession of Faith of the Anabaptists,”
The Sixteenth Century Journal, 11, no. 4 (1980): 51-66. http://www.jstor.org/stable/2539975.
Sattler, Michael. The Schleitheim Confession,. Translated by John H. Yoder. Kitchener: Harold
Press, 1977.
Wenger, John C. and C. Arnold Snyder. “Schleitheim Confession.” Global Anabaptist
Mennonite Encyclopedia Online. http://gameo.org/index.php?title=Schleitheim_Confession.
Zwingli, Ulrich. “Refutation of the Tricks of the Catabaptists, 1527” in Selected Works, translated
and edited by Samuel Macaulet Jackson, 123-258. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1972.





[1] John C. Wenger and C. Arnold Snyder. “Schleitheim Confession.” Global Anabaptist Mennonite Encyclopedia Online, http://gameo.org/index.php?title=Schleitheim_Confession.
[2] Leland Harder, “Zwingli’s Reaction to the Schleitheim Confession of Faith of the Anabaptists,” The Sixteen Century Journal, 11, no. 2 (1980), 52,53,66.
[3] Benjamin Wirt Farley, “Editor’s Introduction” in Treatises Against the Anabaptists and the Libertines, (Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, 1982),19.
[4] The text says Mark 16:6, but that doesn’t have anything to do with baptism, while Mark 6:16 does.
[5] Michael Sattler, The Schleitheim Confession, trans, John H. Yoder (Kitchener: Herald Press, 1977), 10.
[6] Ulrich Zwingli “Refutation of the Tricks of the Catabaptists, 1527,” in Selected Works, ed. Samuel Macauley Jackson (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1972), 179.
[7] Ibid.
[8] Ibid.
[9] John Calvin, “Brief Instruction for Arming All the Good Faithful Against the Errors of the Common Sect of the Anabaptists” in Treatises Against the Anabaptists and Against the Libertines, ed.& trans. Benjamin Wirt Farley, (Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, 1982), 45.
[10] Ibid.
[11] Ibid.
[12] Ibid., 46-7.
[13] Ibid., 47.
[14] Ibid.
[15] Ibid.
[16] 1 Corinthians 7:14, New International Version.
[17] Calvin, “Brief Instruction,” 51.
[18] Ibid., 55.
[19] Kenneth R. Davis “No Discipline, No Church: An Anabaptist Contribution to the Reformed Tradition,” The Sixteenth Century Journal, 13, no. 4 (1982), 45.
[20] Sattler, The Schleitheim Confession, 10-11.
[21] Zwingli, Refutation, 181.
[22] Sattler, 10.
[23] Harder, “Zwingli’s Reaction,” 55.
[24] Ibid., 57
[25] I noticed the inconsistency, but Harder explained the significance to me.
[26] Harder, “Zwingli’s Reaction,” 57.
[27] Ibid.. 58.
[28] Zwingli, Refutation, 182.
[29] Calvin, “Brief Instruction,” 56.
[30] Davis, “No Discipline,” 57.
[31] Calvin, “Brief Instruction,” 56.
[32] Ibid., 57.
[33] Ibid., 59.
[34] Ibid., 60.
[35] Ibid., 62.
[36] Ibid., 70.
[37] Sattler, The Schleitheim Confession, 11.
[38] Davis, “No Discipline,” 43.
[39] Zwingli, Refutation, 186-7.
[40] Ibid., 187.
[41] Calvin, “Brief Instruction,” 71.
[42] Sattler, The Schleitheim Confession, 11-13.
[43] Harder, “Zwingli’s Reaction,” 59.
[44] Zwingli, Refutation, 187.
[45] Harder, “Zwingli’s Reaction,” 58.
[46] Zwingli, Refutation, 190.
[47] Ibid., 191.
[48] Ibid,. 192.
[49] Ibid., 193.
[50] Ibid.
[51] Calvin, “Brief Instruction,” 71-2.
[52] Ibid., 73.
[53] Ibid.
[54] Sattler, The Schleitheim Confession, 13-14.
[55] Zwingli, Refutation, 194-5.
[56] Calvin, “Brief Instruction,” 74-5.
[57] Sattler, The Schleitheim Confession, 14-16.
[58] Zwingli, Refutation, 197.
[59] Ibid., 198.
[60] Ibid,. 202-4.
[61] Ibid., 205.
[62] Calvin, “Brief Instruction,” 77-8.
[63] Ibid, 89.
[64] Ibid.
[65] Ibid., 91.
[66] Sattler, The Schleitheim Confession, 16-18.
[67] Zwingli, Refutation, 208.
[68] Ibid,. 209.
[69] Ibid, 210.
[70] Ibid., 211.
[71] Calvin, “Brief Instruction,” 92.
[72] Ibid,. 95.
[73] Ibid., 97.
[74] Ibid.
[75] Ibid., 98.
[76] Ibid., 104-105.